US History - Standards of Learning - USI.4
http://www.earlyamerica.com/earlyamerica/milestones/decofarms/index.html
The Declaration of Arms was written by John Dickinson and Thomas Jefferson on behalf of the Second Continental Congress after the bloodshed at Lexington and Concord. In it, they state what they believe to be the colonists’ rights and appeal to the King acknowledge these rights. They also state that they will use violence to obtain these rights, if necessary, and also that they may seek foreign support. Following the Declaration of Rights in this magazine is a letter to the King from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London in which they beseech the King to prevent “civil bloodshed.” It is unusual for text books to include any materials from the English perspective and so this document is helpful because of the letter that is at the end of the Declaration of Arms. I would probably highlight certain parts of the Declaration, but then have the students read the letter in full and do a document analysis worksheet.
-Amy DuBois
Source IDTag: USI.4.001
2. “The tea-tax-tempest, or Old Time with his magick-lanthern,” London, England, March 12, 1783
http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cph.3a05334
The cartoon personifies America to the left and a sorrowful Britain on the right. They are being treated to a show of the events leading to the revolution by Old Time and his magic lantern. There is an exploding teapot, the Boston Tea Party, and a fire that is fueled by paper taxed by the Stamp Act. I would have the students view this image and do a cartoon analysis worksheet on it. I would also have students draw a political cartoon depicting one of the events of the Revolution using some of the techniques cartoonist use such as personification, exaggeration, irony, etc.
-Amy DuBois
Source IDTag: USI.4.002
3. Testimony of Captain Preston and Eyewitnesses
http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/bostonmassacre/bostonmassacre.html
Many events in colonial America led to an increase in tension between the 13 Colonies and Britain. he event that became known as the Boston Massacre is interesting to study because each side portrayed the events in a different manner. By comparing Paul Revere’s engraving with the testimony from eyewitnesses and British soldiers, students get a better understanding of the underlying feelings many colonists had about the British. The students will also come away with a better understanding of propaganda and how influential it can be. A detailed lesson can be found at the Exploring US History website.
Source IDTag: USI.4.003
4. Paul Revere’s Engraving of the Boston Massacre
http://chnm.gmu.edu/exploring/18thcentury/bostonmassacre/assignment.php
Many events in colonial America led to an increase in tension between the 13 Colonies and Britain. The event that became known as the Boston Massacre is interesting to study because each side portrayed the events in a different manner. By comparing Paul Revere’s engraving with the testimony from eyewitnesses and British soldiers, students get a better understanding of the underlying feelings many colonists had about the British. The students will also come away with a better understanding of propaganda and how influential it can be. A detailed lesson can be found at the Exploring US History website.
Source IDTag: USI.4.004
5."Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death"
http://lexrex.com/enlightened/writings/libertyordeath.htm
A speech delivered by Patrick Henry on March 23, 1775.
No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities,
of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But
different men often see the same subject in different lights; and,
therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen
if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I
shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time
for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this
country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of
freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought
to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to
arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God
and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear
of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my
country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I
revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We
are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of
that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men,
engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be
of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear
not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my
part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole
truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of
experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And
judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of
the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with
which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it
that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust
it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be
betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our
petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and
darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and
reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that
force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves,
sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to
which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if
its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other
possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the
world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she
has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are
sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry
have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try
argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we
anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up
in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we
resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which
have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive
ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the
storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we
have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have
implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry
and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have
produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been
disregarded;
and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In
vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and
reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be
free--if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for
which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the
noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have
pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest
shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal
to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an
adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the
next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard
shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength but irresolution
and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying
supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our
enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a
proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.
The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a
country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our
enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles
alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and
who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is
not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave.
Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it
is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in
submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard
on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat
it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace,
Peace--but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that
sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms!
Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it
that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so
sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it,
Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me
liberty or give me death!
-Katherine Silva
6. The American Revolution
http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/amerdoc/albany.htm
This primary source offers students an easy read into an early plan for union—considered the first time it is suggested on a large scale in America. Used along with Franklin’s Unite or Die cartoon, student can look for reasons that would support unification among the colonies.
Albany Plan of Union 1754 (1)
It is proposed that humble application be made for an act of Parliament of Great Britain, by virtue of which one general government may be formed in America, including all the said colonies, within and under which government each colony may retain its present constitution, except in the particulars wherein a change may be directed by the said act, as hereafter follows.
1. That the said general government be administered by a President-General, to be appointed and supported by the crown; and a Grand Council, to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several Colonies met in their respective assemblies.
2. That within -- months after the passing such act, the House of Representatives that happen to be sitting within that time, or that shall especially for that purpose convened, may and shall choose members for the Grand Council, in the following proportion, that is to say,
Massachusetts Bay 7
New Hampshire 2
Connecticut 5
Rhode Island 2
New York 4
New Jersey 3
Pennsylvania 6
Maryland 4
Virginia 7
North Carolina 4
South Carolina 4
------
48
3. -- who shall meet for the first time at the city of Philadelphia, being called by the President-General as soon as conveniently may be after his appointment.
4. That there shall be a new election of the members of the Grand Council every three years; and, on the death or resignation of any member, his place should be supplied by a new choice at the next sitting of the Assembly of the Colony he represented.
5. That after the first three years, when the proportion of money arising out of each Colony to the general treasury can be known, the number of members to be chosen for each Colony shall, from time to time, in all ensuing elections, be regulated by that proportion, yet so as that the number to be chosen by any one Province be not more than seven, nor less than two.
6. That the Grand Council shall meet once in every year, and oftener if occasion require, at such time and place as they shall adjourn to at the last preceding meeting, or as they shall be called to meet at by the President-General on any emergency; he having first obtained in writing the consent of seven of the members to such call, and sent duly and timely notice to the whole.
7. That the Grand Council have power to choose their speaker; and shall neither be dissolved, prorogued, nor continued sitting longer than six weeks at one time, without their own consent or the special command of the crown.
8. That the members of the Grand Council shall be allowed for their service ten shillings sterling per diem, during their session and journey to and from the place of meeting; twenty miles to be reckoned a day's journey.
9. That the assent of the President-General be requisite to all acts of the Grand Council, and that it be his office and duty to cause them to be carried into execution.
10. That the President-General, with the advice of the Grand Council, hold or direct all Indian treaties, in which the general interest of the Colonies may be concerned; and make peace or declare war with Indian nations.
11. That they make such laws as they judge necessary for regulating all Indian trade.
12. That they make all purchases from Indians, for the crown, of lands not now within the bounds of particular Colonies, or that shall not be within their bounds when some of them are reduced to more convenient dimensions.
13. That they make new settlements on such purchases, by granting lands in the King's name, reserving a quitrent to the crown for the use of the general treasury.
14. That they make laws for regulating and governing such new settlements, till the crown shall think fit to form them into particular governments.
15. That they raise and pay soldiers and build forts for the defence of any of the Colonies, and equip vessels of force to guard the coasts and protect the trade on the ocean, lakes, or great rivers; but they shall not impress men in any Colony, without the consent of the Legislature.
16. That for these purposes they have power to make laws, and lay and levy such general duties, imposts, or taxes, as to them shall appear most equal and just (considering the ability and other circumstances of the inhabitants in the several Colonies), and such as may be collected with the least inconvenience to the people; rather discouraging luxury, than loading industry with unnecessary burdens.
17. That they may appoint a General Treasurer and Particular Treasurer in each government when necessary; and, from time to time, may order the sums in the treasuries of each government into the general treasury; or draw on them for special payments, as they find most convenient.
18. Yet no money to issue but by joint orders of the President-General and Grand Council; except where sums have been appropriated to particular purposes, and the President-General is previously empowered by an act to draw such sums.
19. That the general accounts shall be yearly settled and reported to the several Assemblies.
20. That a quorum of the Grand Council, empowered to act with the President-General, do consist of twenty-five members; among whom there shall be one or more from a majority of the Colonies.
21. That the laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid shall not be repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws of England, and shall be transmitted to the King in Council for approbation, as soon as may be after their passing; and if not disapproved within three years after presentation, to remain in force.
22. That, in case of the death of the President-General, the Speaker of the Grand Council for the time being shall succeed, and be vested with the same powers and authorities, to continue till the King's pleasure be known.
23. That all military commission officers, whether for land or sea service, to act under this general constitution, shall be nominated by the President-General; but the approbation of the Grand Council is to be obtained, before they receive their commissions. And all civil officers are to be nominated by the Grand Council, and to receive the President-General's approbation before they officiate.
24. But, in case of vacancy by death or removal of any officer, civil or military, under this constitution, the Governor of the Province in which such vacancy happens may appoint, till the pleasure of the President-General and Grand Council can be known.
25. That the particular military as well as civil establishments in each Colony remain in their present state, the general constitution notwithstanding; and that on sudden emergencies any Colony may defend itself, and lay the accounts of expense thence arising before the President-General and General Council, who may allow and order payment of the same, as far as they judge such accounts just and reasonable.
7. *Patrick Henry’s “Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death” speech
http://lexrex.com/enlightened/writings/libertyordeath.htm
Patrick Henry delivered this speech on March 23, 1775, at a meeting of the House of Burgesses, Virginia’s colonial assembly. At the time, the House was debating whether to take military action against the British forces. Patrick Henry served in the Virginia House of Burgesses and the Continental Congress, and was a three time governor of Virginia. After the Revolution, he was a critic of the Constitution. In this speech, Henry urges Virginians to arm in self defense. Following this speech, Virginians heeded his call to arms.
Students analyze Henry’s speech and record information on the Document Analysis Form.
8. American Revolution
“We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal. . . ." Appears in this version of the document. Students might be interested in the revisions that Jefferson went through before the Congress adopted the final version. The website is the Thomas Jefferson Collection of the library of congress website.
9. Patrick Henry Speech / Picture Essay
http://www.earlyamerica.com/earlyamerica/bookmarks/henry/henry_images.htm
This site contains Patrick Henry’s “ Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death”
speech. It is also accompanied by a series of pictures of him giving his
speech. Different groups could analyze the pictures for the artist
interpretation of Henry. Student could also have a debate on the various
reactions to Patrick Henry’s speech.
-Carl Rodidoux
